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The NDC neither overreaches nor is it as incremental as some critics have called it. It just moves forward, which in the domain of international climate politics is a rare quality.
India is committing to 47 per cent reduction in emissions intensity from 2005 levels by 2035 (building on the 45 per cent by 2030 target); about 60 per cent of installed electricity capacity from non-fossil sources by 2035; and a carbon sink of 3.5–4 billion tonnes through forests and tree cover.
These appear to be calibrated extensions from the past. But the drag is that the current power system presents challenges that possibly prevent larger jumps.
The previous NDC targeted 50 per cent non-fossil installed capacity by 2030, which India has already crossed. It is also on track to achieve the targeted 36 per cent reduction in emissions intensity. However, of the achieved 50 per cent non-fossil fuel target, less than 15 per cent is renewable.
Can we do better? The answer is ‘yes’.
Globally, countries that once set the pace have struggled to hold it. Targets have slipped, timelines have stretched, fossil fuels are back in the mix. The US has stepped out of the Paris Agreement altogether.
So, when it comes to India’s targets, in a landscape of uneven compliance, greater ambition without assured execution would do little more than invite criticism.
The new NDC is practical, perhaps deliberately. India is transforming one of the largest and fastest-growing energy systems in the world, while still industrialising and expanding access amid rising demand. Because the base is vast, every incremental shift is enormous in absolute terms.
Ambition at this scale encounters challenges such as transmission constraints, land acquisition hurdles, storage requirement, and lack of grid readiness and system flexibility. Had we planned differently — built transmission ahead of generation, designed for variability — the ceiling today may have been higher. In 2025, India built less than 50 GW of renewables capacity when China built three times that. If we had planned ahead for storage and grid infrastructure, perhaps we could have pushed renewables further and faster.
The NDC pushes the existing system forward in an international arena that appears to be dithering.
But the global disorder is also an opportunity. Moving away from imports, this is the perfect time to double down on energy independence. While we have enabled LPG use in homes and managed to reduce indoor air pollution, it is now time for a massive rollout of electric cooking. This calls for aggregating the demand for small appliances, working with manufacturers, and organising the manufacturing and deployment — an effort on a scale not unlike the rollout of the Covid vaccine, which we achieved with unmatched speed and precision.
If urban pollution and oil imports persist, then the response should be rapid electrification of mobility. Only the Centre can do this, as has already been done with urban buses. From fewer than 1,000 electric buses in 2022, the country has contracted over 40,000 in 2026 and nearly 16,000 are on the roads today. Delhi has chosen to go all-electric with its bus system. This shift at a rapid pace is possible, but demands the collective effort of ministries, alongside dogged determination. A similar endeavour is needed for all wheels on the ground, starting with roadway transport vehicles , which currently move over 50 per cent of India’s freight. This is the time to mandate electrification of all corporate, heavy-duty, gas-guzzling fleet.
So, the next phase of India’s climate leadership will be defined through internal pressures, by choosing where to be relentlessly focused. While the NDC continues to be India’s public commitment to the world, the fact is that now is the time to use the outside war to drive greener growth back home, and build a truly green atmanirbhar Bharat.
(The writer is CEO, INTENT Platform, and former MD and CEO, CESL)
Published on March 30, 2026
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