Twenty months after the rape and murder of a young doctor inside Kolkata’s state-run RG Kar Medical College and Hospital triggered nationwide outrage, the politics of that crime has caught up with Bengal’s election battlefield.

In Panihati, a constituency that for nearly six decades changed hands only between the Left and the Congress and later TMC, the April 29 contest is no longer just another election.

Election turns into referendum on justice

In this north Kolkata suburb, now regarded as a safe TMC seat, voters are being asked less about local grievances and more about a question that has haunted Bengal since August 2024: “Who failed the RG Kar victim, and who can still deliver justice?” With the BJP fielding the victim doctor’s mother, the TMC defending a fortress built over three decades, and the CPI(M) trying to reclaim a protest movement it helped lead, Panihati has become the constituency where Bengal’s most emotionally charged issue is headed for its fiercest political test.

The BJP has fielded the victim doctor’s mother, Ratna Debnath, against Tirthankar Ghosh, son of veteran TMC leader and outgoing MLA Nirmal Ghosh.

What is at stake in Panihati is no longer merely a seat in the assembly. It is the attempt by rival parties to claim ownership of Bengal’s biggest protest movement in years and of the anger, grief and unanswered questions that still surround the RG Kar case.

Parties battle to claim protest movement

For the BJP, the candidature is an attempt to convert the anger and distrust generated by the RG Kar movement into an anti-TMC vote.

For the ruling TMC, which has held the seat since 2011 through chief whip Nirmal Ghosh, it is a test of whether a hardened organisational bastion can survive a wave of public anger.

And for the CPI(M), whose cadres and student wings were among the most visible faces of the protests, Panihati offers a chance to reclaim a movement it believes the BJP is now trying to appropriate.

“If I can serve people, my daughter will also be happy. I want the lotus to bloom across West Bengal and the TMC to be uprooted,” Debnath said.

From tragedy to political mobilisation

Her plunge into politics comes nearly a year-and-a-half after the August 9, 2024, crime that triggered perhaps the largest civil society movement in Bengal since the anti-land acquisition agitations of Singur and Nandigram.

The rape and murder of the postgraduate trainee doctor inside her workplace brought physicians, students and ordinary residents onto the streets.

Hospitals went on strike. Protesters occupied roads through the night. Demonstrations spread from Kolkata to Delhi, turning the case into a national flashpoint over women’s safety and allegations of destruction of evidence.

In Bengal, however, the movement acquired a sharper political edge. The protests soon ceased to be merely a demand for justice for one victim. They became a wider indictment of the Mamata Banerjee government’s handling of law and order, hospital administration and the suspicion that powerful people were being protected.

That mood now hangs heavily over Panihati.

Family, Left, and BJP sharpen positions

The victim’s father told PTI that the family had concluded only political change could ensure justice.

“Only the BJP can ensure justice for my daughter and provide safety and security to the women of the state. We had said from the beginning that we would not allow politics over our child’s death. But what did the Left do except protest?” he said.

The Left has fielded Kalatan Dasgupta, one of the recognisable faces of the protests.

“Anyone can come into politics. We have no problem with that. If such an incident happens again, we will once again block roads, occupy the night and protest. Nobody can stop us from taking the path of protest. We will see this fight for justice through to the end,” he said.

Panihati’s political history and shifting dynamics

Panihati was once a Left fortress. Since the seat came into existence in 1967, the CPI held it repeatedly, interrupted only twice by the Congress.

Nirmal Ghosh won Panihati in 1996 as a Congress candidate before crossing over to the TMC. Since then, barring 2006, he has dominated the constituency, winning in 2001, 2011, 2016 and 2021.

This time, Ghosh has stepped aside, and the TMC has fielded his son. But the succession has also handed the opposition a potent political line.

Debnath has accused Nirmal Ghosh of being linked to the alleged “destruction of evidence” in the RG Kar case.

Tirthankar Ghosh has responded cautiously, saying the TMC shared the family’s pain while accusing the BJP of seeking political mileage from a tragedy.

Numbers favour TMC but anger simmers

The arithmetic appears to favour the ruling party.

In the 2024 Lok Sabha election, the TMC led in the segment with nearly 49.6 per cent of the votes against the BJP’s 34.6 per cent. Even in the 2021 assembly polls, despite the BJP surge across Bengal, the TMC won comfortably with more than 41 per cent votes.

Panihati has 1,97,141 voters in the 2026 electoral rolls after the SIR. Scheduled Castes account for a little over 5 per cent of the electorate, while Muslims constitute less than 5 per cent, making the seat overwhelmingly Hindu and dominated by lower-middle-class and middle-class suburban voters.

Once a thriving centre of rice trade and later of mills and small factories, Panihati today bears the marks of suburban decline: crumbling roads, shrinking job opportunities and corruption.

The RG Kar issue has fused with that resentment. At tea stalls and market corners, the same question is repeated: “If a doctor could be raped and murdered inside a hospital, and if her parents still have to fight for justice, what does that say about the state?”

Published on April 4, 2026