Kalvakuntla Kavitha celebrates after a trial court discharged her and 22 others in the Delhi liquor case, in Hyderabad on February 27, 2026. | Photo Credit: Nagara Gopal

The liquor case has had serious consequences for you, both politically and personally. What are your thoughts on the court’s findings?

From the beginning, I said very clearly that I had nothing to do with this case and that I will come out clean. The verdict only re-emphasises my belief in the justice system. The honourable judiciary observed the shortcomings of the so-called decorated agencies of our nation which are supposed to go after hardened criminals and terrorists. Instead, they are going after political parties and political opponents.

It is path-breaking in many ways. Whatever we have been conveying in the last four years about selective targeting now stands validated. The attitude of [the BJP in] saying “Either you are with us or against us” will not work in a democracy. There has to be tolerance towards ideas they do not like. The Telangana BJP president has said that there is more to come. Are they saying the next court will work in favour of their party? The arrogance of the ruling party is mind-numbing.

I have suffered five and a half months in jail, away from my kids and family. Today, the judgment is in my favour, but who can give me back those months? This case has caused irreparable damage and set an irreversible processes in motion. I have changed as a person; prison changes you a lot.

How many kids like Umar Khalid have been picked up and jailed for four to five years? What kind of country are we living in? We need to repair our systems.

Are you reflecting on the general constitutional and democratic backsliding in the country?

There are so many things happening all at once, and I think they are setting us back as a nation. We need to ensure that our agencies and systems operate neutrally. Think about the Election Commission of India [ECI]: can you say that there is free and fair election in this nation? The ECI does not dispel the doubts we have as people. So many issues are there.

The court recommended a departmental inquiry into the investigating CBI officer. Does this seem like enough accountability? Should it not extend upwards in the chain of command?

That’s what I’ve been saying.

In those months, what if something had happened to my son; or to any [of the other accused’s] parents, sons, or spouses? And what about the reputational damage that I have suffered as a woman? Even today, the BJP leaders call me names based on the false case.

Several politicians facing Enforcement Directorate cases, including in Andhra Pradesh, have joined the BJP. Was there any pressure on you? Did the BJP drop hints that if you join the party, all this will end?

I have never entertained such things at all. They all know that my DNA is basically against the BJP. When I was in jail, there was certainly a discussion about merging the BRS with the BJP, which I have already openly talked about and strongly opposed. Whatever damage had to happen, already happened; the reputational damage was done, and I was put in jail. Now, what is the point of merging or a truce? A fight is the only way out.

Supporters of the BJP demand the resignation of Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal over the Delhi liquor scam, near the AAP office in New Delhi on October 4, 2023. Kavitha says central agencies such as the Central Bureau of Investigation were used to target political opponents instead of pursuing serious criminals. | Photo Credit: Shashi Shekhar Kashyap

Since the court discharged you and the others, issues within your family have come to the fore once again. K.T. Rama Rao blames the liquor case for the BRS’s failures in the last two elections. There might be a lack of reflection on his part. But did the case not become part of a political narrative against the BRS?

The point is: was that the only cause, or was it among the 200 other causes? As you rightly said, a lack of reflection continues to haunt the BRS. And people should look into themselves before commenting.

I have been suffering from this personal witch hunt for the last four years. After I got relief from the court, [the BRS could have] let me be happy for an hour or a day. The next day, they could have analysed what happened. But no, that was not the case. Immediately, a tweet came in from Rama Rao. I also reacted in a very haughty manner.

The point is, during the Assembly elections, various other issues were the major ones [against us]. But of course, after my arrest, in the Lok Sabha elections, the liquor case played a larger role. There is no doubt about it.

Even before the Lok Sabha election began, you were jailed in Tihar. When you came out after five months, there was a brief lull in your political activity. And once you were politically active again, there was speculation that your family did not approve of it. Is there any truth to this?

They did not ask me not to go out. But the party simply stopped supporting me in any manner. I did not understand why. But I was doing my bit anyway because I am not someone who sits at home while people are suffering.

But then, eventually, the suspension happened, and you resigned from the party and the MLC post.

I always believed I would come out clean because I was not connected [to the liquor case] in any way. I did whatever the authorities wanted me to do. I knew I was innocent. If the party had believed me, I do not think they would have suspended me.

When I was suspended, I felt very insulted. I could have retained the MLC post. But it would not have been ethical.

After your resignation, you accused MLA and former Minister Harish Rao, among others, of corruption and arrogance. But you were part of the party for the 10 years that it was in power, while that corruption and arrogance may have been taking shape. Did you look away, or did you just go with it?

I spoke about the issues related to Kaleshwaram [lift irrigation project] inside the party. I flagged them to my leader KCR. In an institution, when discrepancies or issues come to your notice, you basically go up the chain, right? I spoke to my father. I spoke to my brother. There were many issues, and I consistently reported them. I have seen the apathy against taking any kind of decision [on these issues].

Only in Harish Rao’s case did they not offer the irrigation portfolio to him again. Most of the corruption involving MLAs and others was not addressed. And I was practically restricted to the Nizamabad parliamentary constituency, which was also a major flashpoint. I am openly saying this: only my father and I know what I told him, and what happened [about it].

Telangana Rashtra Samithi supporters celebrate the formation of the Telangana State, in Hyderabad on February 18, 2014. | Photo Credit: P.V. Sivakumar

You said the 2019 election was sabotaged, which cost you the Nizamabad MP seat. But did you also reflect on your failures?

I got more votes than the previous election. But there was a well-designed nomination game: 186 nominations were filed, and there were 24 electronic voting machines. We repeatedly requested the ECI and the Collector to number the EVMs. They never did. There was a lot of confusion, and this was the failure of the ECI and the Collector.

The party MLAs were actively trying to sabotage the election. Later, KCR garu himself told me that the MLAs don’t work for you in your election. So, what action was taken against the MLAs? Nothing.

You spent nearly 20 years in the BRS. What would you say was your major contribution to the party?

One major contribution was the 2009 election of KCR garu. He decided to contest from Mahabubnagar, where the party had zero cadres. We were in alliance with the Telugu Desam Party which was actively undercutting our votes. I worked every minute to make sure our leader won. If KCR had lost that election, it would have cost us the Telangana movement.

This was openly acknowledged by KCR garu: he said that if I wasn’t there, we wouldn’t have won the election. When you believe your party is your family, you do many things. You keep working, keep making contributions.

You have a lasting political and personal attachment to the BRS. Yet, you say that you will never go back.

I was unceremoniously removed from the party. You cannot insult me in public and then pacify me privately. I don’t want to go back to the BRS because I have suffered enough in the last 20 years. One-sided love won’t last long.

You are planning to launch a new party. How will your approach differ from that of the BRS’?

Once Telangana became a reality, the BRS kind of lost track. When it changed [its name] to BRS [from Telangana Rashtra Samithi], the nation became its motherboard. My party will be State-focussed, inward-looking, and will focus on restoring Telangana’s identity. “Telangana first” will be the ideology [for] jobs, culture, and political identity.

Serving Telangana and its people is an admirable goal, but what drives you as an individual to pursue politics?

I want to be remembered even after my death. It is my most selfish goal, and I am straightforward about it. To achieve this, I will work hard and address every aspect neglected in the State over the last 12 years. What’s lacking in politics today is sincerity. People [politicians] have become visitors, like those visiting the Musi riverbed apartments [for land acquisition]. A solution-driven politics is what I aim to bring to this State.