惯性聚合 高效追踪和阅读你感兴趣的博客、新闻、科技资讯
阅读原文 在惯性聚合中打开

推荐订阅源

Jina AI
Jina AI
C
Cisco Blogs
博客园 - Franky
有赞技术团队
有赞技术团队
雷峰网
雷峰网
博客园 - 聂微东
WordPress大学
WordPress大学
酷 壳 – CoolShell
酷 壳 – CoolShell
NISL@THU
NISL@THU
P
Palo Alto Networks Blog
博客园_首页
阮一峰的网络日志
阮一峰的网络日志
美团技术团队
Hugging Face - Blog
Hugging Face - Blog
宝玉的分享
宝玉的分享
Threat Intelligence Blog | Flashpoint
Threat Intelligence Blog | Flashpoint
奇客Solidot–传递最新科技情报
奇客Solidot–传递最新科技情报
T
Threat Research - Cisco Blogs
T
Tailwind CSS Blog
T
Threatpost
D
Darknet – Hacking Tools, Hacker News & Cyber Security
W
WeLiveSecurity
大猫的无限游戏
大猫的无限游戏
V
Visual Studio Blog
cs.AI updates on arXiv.org
cs.AI updates on arXiv.org
S
SegmentFault 最新的问题
博客园 - 【当耐特】
爱范儿
爱范儿
让小产品的独立变现更简单 - ezindie.com
让小产品的独立变现更简单 - ezindie.com
A
Arctic Wolf
PCI Perspectives
PCI Perspectives
S
Secure Thoughts
The Cloudflare Blog
OSCHINA 社区最新新闻
OSCHINA 社区最新新闻
L
LINUX DO - 最新话题
cs.CL updates on arXiv.org
cs.CL updates on arXiv.org
博客园 - 三生石上(FineUI控件)
J
Java Code Geeks
The Last Watchdog
The Last Watchdog
人人都是产品经理
人人都是产品经理
罗磊的独立博客
S
Schneier on Security
腾讯CDC
Google DeepMind News
Google DeepMind News
小众软件
小众软件
量子位
N
News and Events Feed by Topic
freeCodeCamp Programming Tutorials: Python, JavaScript, Git & More
Hacker News: Ask HN
Hacker News: Ask HN
V
V2EX

India’s National Fortnightly Magazine

SIR West Bengal Voter Exclusion Case 2026 TN Assembly Polls 2026: Senthil Balaji and SP Velumani Clash for Western Belt Supremacy Women’s Reservation Act Amendments Raise Delimitation Fears Healthcare’s Breaking Point India’s Elderly Boom: Care Gaps and Policy Failures AI chatbots fill mental health gaps in India, but risks grow Substandard Drugs in India: The Hidden Public Health Threat India Healthcare Costs Crisis: Who Pays the Price? ASHAs hold India’s fragile health system together but are woefully underpaid Partha Chatterjee’s For a Just Republic and the Limits of the People-Nation India’s Missing Middle: Trapped Between Health Insurance and Care Hungary Election 2026: Orbán Defeated, Magyar Wins Big Shailaja Paik on Dalit Women, Caste, and the Politics of Erasure in India Free Speech Crackdown in India: Is Dissent Under Threat? Ambedkar Jayanti and the New Publicness of Protest Politics Implementing Women’s Reservation: Why a Hybrid 651-Seat Lok Sabha Model Outperforms Mass Expansion Ambedkar and Free Speech: Who Controls Dissent in 2026? How a Maharashtra Village Turned Tea with Dalits into a Statewide Equality Mission Women’s Reservation, Delimitation Bills Spark Secrecy Row Reforming Tamil Nadu's Local Governance: Why MLAs Aren't Fixers in 2026 Sewage, Neglect, and Governance Failure Mark India's Water Crisis West Bengal voter list controversy explained | Why names are being deleted Pattukkottai Kalyanasundaram: Tamil Cinema and Left Politics Delhi’s PM-UDAY Reset: Regularising Unauthorised Colonies on an “as is” Basis Will Vijay’s TVK disrupt DMK and AIADMK? | Tamil Nadu election 2026 Constitutional Morality vs Social Morality in India 2026 Amit Shah’s Anti-Conversion Promise Opens a New Faultline in Punjab Politics Why Indian Shias Protest for Iran: History of Solidarity (2026) West Bengal Voter List Row 2026: “Votercide” Debate The Hidden Ecosystem Inside our Homes Asha Bhosle’s Death Marks the End of an Era in Indian Playback Music Women’s Health in India: Inequality by Design How Algorithms Turn Feminism into a Marketable Aesthetic An Unanswered People: Adivasi Poetry’s Fight for Language and Land Rereading Kari in the Age of Identity Debates Absolute Jafar: Nostalgia and restlessness in frames Anita Nair’s Why I Killed My Husband Review: Powerful Themes, Uneven Storytelling Why the FCRA Amendment Bill 2026 Has Triggered a Political Storm Iran’s Staying Power Redraws the US-Israel War Calculus Snake Metaphors in Indian Politics 2026: Venomous Rhetoric From Grief to Politics: Porkodi Armstrong and the Battle for Dalit Power in North Chennai West Bengal election 2026: Will Babri Masjid split the Muslim vote? West Bengal Communal Politics and the 2026 Election Battle Raghav Chadha-AAP Rift Explained: Rise to Fallout (2026) Why India Is Not Energy-Secure Amid Global Oil Shocks Mulla Shah Mosque: Jahanara Begum's forgotten legacy Strait of Hormuz Ceasefire: Pause, Not Peace Dharavi’s Kumbharwada Potters fear Adani-led Redevelopment will Destroy their Livelihoods How India’s Poor Lose Years Waiting in Queues (2026) India IT Rules 2026: Threat to Free Speech? Iran War Ceasefire Signals a Shift Toward Multipolar Deterrence US Foreign Policy: Empire, Coups, and Control (2026) CBFC Ban on Gaza Film Raises New Alarm Over Censorship Queer Dalit identity and the limits of visibility 2026 Assembly Polls: Congress vs BJP Power Test Israel's Relentless Bombing Creates Displacement Crisis in Lebanon Iran War Ceasefire Marks End of US Dominance Era Imported Inflation in India: Navigating Gulf Crisis Kerala Assembly Election 2026: LDF Anti-Incumbency vs UDF Momentum Petronet LNG: A Public Company Built to Escape Public Accountability Gujarat Local Polls: AAP Rise Deepens Congress Crisis Who Defines You? | The Frontline Newsletter SIR controversy deepens fear of Muslim disenfranchisement in Bengal Kerala Election 2026: LDF, UDF, and the BJP “B Team” Charge Delhi’s LPG Crisis Exposes How Migrants Are Locked Out At 100, Krishnammal Jagannathan’s Life Marks a Legacy of Dalit Land Rights and Resistance Who will win Kerala Assembly Election 2026? LDF or UDF? Assam Polls: Cash Transfers Mask Stagnant Incomes and Job Distress Jaishankar and India's Diplomacy Crisis West Bengal SIR 2026: Voters Treated as Suspects Sathankulam Verdict: How a Rare Death Penalty Challenges India’s Custodial Torture Crisis How three 2026 bills redefine identity, marriage, and freedom in India After Nitish Kumar, Bihar BJP faces its biggest test: caste coalition without a ‘Mr Clean’ Nuclear Deterrence in South Asia: Fragile Stability Actor Vijay and Politics: An Emerging Landscape Dharavi’s Idli-Vada Economy Faces Disruption Under Redevelopment Child Marriage Annulment in India: Khushbu’s Fight (2026) India’s Role in Palestine: Why West Asia Peace Needs Action 2026 Rethinking Iran beyond Western narratives N Rangasamy’s 2026 Puducherry Poll Strategy and Power Play Khalid Jawed on Urdu’s Future and Cultural Loss (2026) Kashmir Encounter Killing Sparks AFSPA Debate 2026 Birds and grief in Hamnet and H is for Hawk GST Federalism Crisis 2026: How States Lost Fiscal Power US-Iran War 2026: Petrodollar Stakes Behind Hormuz Clash White Savior Complex in Arab Regimes Drives Ukraine Deals Not Self Reliance UPA Corruption Narrative vs Court Verdicts 2026 Mathur Sathya Case Exposes Patriarchy in Progressive Politics Personality Cult in Indian Politics 2026: Why Leaders Remain Untouchable India Needs a New Economic Model Beyond Neoliberalism Why J&K MLAs Are Fighting the Lieutenant Governor Over Security Pawar Family Rivalries Stall NCP Factions Merger in Maharashtra DMK manifesto 2026: Key promises, alliances, & welfare politics State Assembly Elections 2026: How Voter Dynamics Are Shaping India Iran-Israel War: Hegel’s Recognition Theory Explains the Escalation Coal, Capital, and Compliance: Fairmine Under NGT Lens Hindu Rashtra Debate: 2026 State Elections Test Secular India Tamil Nadu Election 2026: How Gender and Gen Z Voters are Reshaping the Dravidian Power Struggle Gujarat's proposed marriage registration amendment 2026 polices choice Will NEET Break More Students Than It Makes Doctors?
NFHS-6 Data Gaps Raise Questions on India’s Health Survey
T.K. Rajalakshmi · 2026-06-23 · via India’s National Fortnightly Magazine

The sixth round of the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-6, 2023-24), released recently, does not present a flattering picture of the nation’s health, and of women’s and child health in particular. Indicators such as body mass index levels lower than normal for both men and women show that nutrition for neither is anywhere near ideal. The survey factsheets, released nearly two years after the fieldwork was completed in mid-2024, should have been out within months. The delay has never been explained.

A researcher familiar with data collection said that since the survey uses Computer Assisted Personal Interviewing (CAPI), all estimates can be released within two to three months of data gathering. The previous round, NFHS-5, released in 2022, was conducted under the massive constraints of Covid, yet both NFHS-4 and NFHS-5 came out on time. No comparable constraints existed this time. It has also emerged that questions were raised over the questionnaire and the substantially reduced number of indicators in NFHS-6.

Information this time was gathered from 6,79,238 households, covering 101 indicators—30 fewer than the last round. Yet since some indicators were retained from NFHS-5 (2019-21), comparison across select indicators remained possible. The sample size was larger than that of NFHS-5, which covered 6,36,699 households.

Both NFHS-4 and NFHS-5 included data on sanitation, clean fuel, anaemia, haemoglobin levels for women and children, number of deaths in the household in the years preceding the survey, sex ratio, sexual behaviour, infant and child mortality, and perinatal mortality. NFHS-6 factsheets contain none of these.

The NFHS factsheets in general carry estimates of population, health, family planning, and nutrition-related indicators—fertility, maternal and child health, adult health, women’s and child nutrition. Figures from these large household surveys help policymakers design and direct programmes for better outcomes, and frequently serve as a mirror held up to government flagship initiatives. As always, the survey was conducted by the International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS). But for the first time, it was conducted without any technical or financial support from external organisations—a point the report emphasises.

External support in the previous round came from the USAID-supported Demographic and Health Surveys Programme, ICF, and the Pune-based National AIDS Research Institute (NARI). Barring USAID, whose funding to Indian programmes was bound to be affected following massive cuts by the United States government, NARI could hardly be called an external institute. It is no surprise, then, that outside contraceptive usage, indicators on sexual behaviour, methods and reasons for abortion, attitudes towards and knowledge of HIV/AIDS are absent from this round.

NFHS-5 had introduced new topics as well: pre-school education, disability, access to toilet facilities, and death registration. Its data was intended to identify new programmes with an area-specific focus, to reach the groups most in need of essential services. Like earlier rounds, it had data on fertility, infant and child mortality, perinatal mortality, high-risk sexual behaviour, tuberculosis, non-communicable diseases (NCDs), safe injection practices, and use of emergency contraception.

A detailed exercise

The Clinical, Anthropometric and Biochemical (CAB) component of NFHS-5 was designed to provide estimates of the prevalence of malnutrition, anaemia, hypertension, high blood pressure, waist-hip circumference, Vitamin D3, HbA1c, and malaria parasites through a series of biomarker tests and measurements. Some NCD indicators using the CAB component are present in NFHS-6, but the indicators tracking malnutrition, anaemia, Vitamin D3, and malaria parasites have been dropped.

NFHS-5 also collected basic demographic and socioeconomic data: marital status, age, sex, literacy, occupation, employment, schooling, ownership of Aadhaar cards, relationship to head of household, tobacco use, alcohol consumption, exposure to mass media, and household characteristics—water, sanitation, hygiene, water treatment, type of toilet facilities, type of cooking fuel, materials used for walls, floors, and roofs, and ownership of mosquito nets.

The women’s questionnaire in NFHS-5 covered current pregnancy and terminations, prevalence of hysterectomy, post-partum amenorrhoea, use of ICDS services, age of first intercourse, recent sexual activity, number and type of partners, and gender preferences for children. The men’s schedule asked about fertility preferences, attitudes towards gender roles, sexual behaviour, and knowledge of tuberculosis. The biomarker schedule covered haemoglobin levels for men, women, and children; blood samples were taken by a finger-prick or heel-prick (for children aged 6-11 months), with haemoglobin analysis conducted on site. Respondents, including pregnant women with severe anaemia, were referred to a health facility for further evaluation and treatment.

For malaria—prevalent in Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Tripura, and Meghalaya—a Dried Blood Spot collection method using random sampling was used in NFHS-5 to detect symptomatic and asymptomatic malaria, including markers of anti-malarial drug resistance. Data collection for malaria is not part of NFHS-6.

What NFHS-5 revealed

NFHS-5 found that 69 per cent of households used an improved sanitation facility; 19 per cent had no facility at all and practised open defecation. Eighty-three per cent had access to a toilet facility; only 59 per cent of households used clean fuel for cooking; 58 per cent did not treat their water before drinking; 26 per cent of the population had no water, soap, or any cleansing agent for handwashing on the premises. Forty per cent of boys and girls in the 2-4 age group attended pre-school; school attendance ratios showed steeper falls at middle, secondary, and higher secondary levels, with students citing lack of interest in studies. Wealth quintile data found that 71 per cent of Scheduled Tribe households and 49 per cent of Scheduled Caste households were in the lowest two quintiles.

Indicators for both birth and death registration are missing from NFHS-6. Birth registration had registered an increase between the two rounds; death registration data would have been particularly useful for policymakers. NFHS-5 found that death registration rates were higher in wealthier households, and more common in urban areas and among males than females. Here was data that could have informed policy corrections.

No explanation has been offered for the dropped indicators. The argument that the Sample Registration Survey (SRS) and a national report based on NFHS and SRS would provide a consolidated picture of all relevant indicators does not hold. The SRS, as its name suggests, is a sample survey. The NFHS, by contrast, is the largest household survey in the world. In India, only the Census surpasses the NFHS in terms of coverage.

Discouraging findings

Even for the indicators that remain, the overall picture is not reassuring. The data shows that the percentage of households consuming iodised salt has gone down; households using an improved drinking water source improved only marginally; 18.8 per cent of women owned property or land, either solely or jointly; 47 per cent of children in the 2-4 age group attended pre-school; the number of women using the internet had nearly doubled; and 20.1 per cent of women were married before the age of 18.

Children share their midday meal at an Integrated Child Development Services centre following its reopening in Gill Nagar, Choolaimedu, Chennai, on September 2, 2021. According to NFHS-6 data, 47 per cent of children in the 2-4 age group attended pre-school.

Children share their midday meal at an Integrated Child Development Services centre following its reopening in Gill Nagar, Choolaimedu, Chennai, on September 2, 2021. According to NFHS-6 data, 47 per cent of children in the 2-4 age group attended pre-school. | Photo Credit: R. Senthil Kumar/PTI

The total fertility rate held at 2.0—the same as in NFHS-5—though wide differentials between States persist. 6.7 per cent of women in the 15-19 age group were already mothers or pregnant at the time of the survey, a decline of barely one percentage point since the last round, indicating that adolescent pregnancies have barely shifted. Female sterilisation declined marginally and male sterilisation, while fractionally higher, remained under 1 per cent of total sterilisations—showing that the burden of contraception continues to fall overwhelmingly on women.

Only 76.2 per cent of mothers had antenatal check-ups in the first trimester. Just 54.9 per cent had consumed iron folic acid for 100 days—crucial for the baby’s growth and for protection against maternal anaemia and low birth weight—and an even smaller proportion, 37.8 per cent, for the recommended 180 days. Institutional births increased, which was positive, but more were taking place in the private sector. Births by Caesarean section stood at 27.2 per cent—a rise of around 6 percentage points over NFHS-5—with 54.1 per cent of C-section births in private facilities, against 16.9 per cent in public health facilities. Wide urban-rural differentials persist: the C-section rate in rural births was roughly half that in urban areas.

Stagnant breastfeeding, soaring C-sections

Despite marked improvements in measles, polio, and rotavirus vaccination rates, immunisation coverage is nowhere near 100 per cent. Child vaccination fares considerably better in the southern States than in north and central India.

One troubling finding of NFHS-6 is the fall in the rate of children exclusively breastfed for six months, indicating that infants are being given either infant formula or other milk substitutes. Similarly, only 50.1 per cent of children were breastfed within one hour of birth. Arun Gupta, a paediatrician and founder of the Breastfeeding Promotion Network of India (BPNI), who has long campaigned for breastfeeding promotion, finds it difficult to explain why breastfeeding should decline when institutional births are rising. If India could achieve 63 per cent exclusive breastfeeding in NFHS-5, what accounts for the fall, he asks.

Inadequate support for breastfeeding in facilities, and the aggressive commercial marketing of infant milk substitutes and baby foods, undermine optimal feeding practices. Such marketing normalises formula feeding, weakens confidence in breastfeeding, and undermines the Infant Milk Substitutes Act. While a few States have shown improvement in early exclusive breastfeeding, many have reported sharp declines, Gupta said. He called on the Health Ministry to take the trend seriously and initiate a public discussion. Caesarean deliveries, he added, are known to interfere with the early initiation of breastfeeding.

Another figure that troubles him is the very small proportion of children in the 6-23 months age group—15.3 per cent—who received an adequate diet, meaning 85 per cent were deprived of nutritionally adequate complementary feeding. Child under-nutrition, though showing modest improvement in stunting, wasting, severe wasting, and underweight, remains at unacceptably high levels. Among adult nutrition indicators, the percentage of women and men with a body mass index lower than normal levels increased between the two rounds. A nutritionist, speaking on condition of anonymity, said this was possible if parents were cutting back on food to provide adequately for their children, or if food inflation had pushed household diets below adequate thresholds. “When fertility declines and so do incomes, all resources are invested in children,” she said.

The cost of the exclusions

A social scientist associated with NFHS-5 said on condition of anonymity that CAPI was a robust and efficient system, and there was no reason why data on all 130 indicators from NFHS-5 could not have been collected using it. He was surprised at the exclusion of anaemia measurement, on the grounds that the testing system was not accurate.

Arti Devi, a resident of Nagepur—one of the three villages adopted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi—lights her LPG stove received under the Ujjwala scheme in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, on February 9, 2018.

Arti Devi, a resident of Nagepur—one of the three villages adopted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi—lights her LPG stove received under the Ujjwala scheme in Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, on February 9, 2018. | Photo Credit: KAMAL NARANG

“The survey is complete but the factsheets are not. A comparison of trends won’t be possible with previous surveys. If the capillary method of testing for anaemia was not reliable, a different technology could have been used. Excluding neonatal mortality rates and the sex ratio at birth are very serious omissions. Anaemia should have been included. Trends give an idea of whether a programme is working. What is convenient to the government is included; what is not is left out,” he said, referring to the thirty-odd dropped indicators. Many government schemes—the Anaemia Mukt Bharat, Poshan Abhiyaan, Swachh Bharat Mission, the Ujjwala scheme distributing LPG cylinders to Below Poverty Line women—could have been assessed in NFHS-6 had data for those schemes been collected.

The NFHS is a principal source of information on maternal and child health and household characteristics. After the NDA came to power in 2014, the District Level Household and Facility Survey—which had been providing critical data on maternal, child, and reproductive health, mortality, living conditions, and socioeconomic status—was discontinued. The delay in NFHS-6 results was widely attributed to the fact that 2024 was an election year. That may also account for the reduction in critical indicators. In its present form, stripped of data and scope, NFHS-6’s principal casualty is policy—no longer informed by robust evidence, but by political expediency.

Also Read | No silver lining?

Also Read | Life is more than a beating heart