C. Joseph Vijay, actor and founder of the recently floated Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), assumed office as the new Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu last month. One cannot help but be reminded of how M.G. Ramachandran or more popularly known as MGR, also a highly successful actor, took charge as the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu in 1977 and went on to win two more consecutive terms, until his death in 1987. He was the first actor-turned-CM in India.

However, apart from being successful film stars, there is hardly much in common between MGR, a Hindu of the Nair community of Kerala, and Mr. Vijay, a Tamil Christian. MGR’s best-known co-star and successor, Jayalalithaa, who ruled the State for 16 years, was a Tamil Brahmin. Moreover, C.N. Annadurai, the first non-Congress CM of the State, his successor M. Karunanidhi, and his son M.K. Stalin were/are non-Brahmin Hindus.

As per Census figures, the electorate of Tamil Nadu comprises 88% Hindus and 6% Christians and Muslims each. It has regularly chosen leaders with varied religious and caste backgrounds without much fuss. How did this happen? And is it a replicable model?

A political history

The credit goes partly, among others, to the Dravidian movement whose genesis harkens to the 1920s/1930s. The Justice Party founded in 1916 by a group of non-Brahmin elite with the goal of ending Brahmin ‘domination’ in top government jobs succeeded in getting reservations for non-Brahmins as early as 1920. The ‘self-respect movement’ as well as the ‘Dravidar Kazhagam’ movement (DK) of E.V. Ramasamy (EVR), or ‘Periyar’ as he was known, avowed to create a society free of caste oppression and inequality, and became a strong oppositional force to the largely Brahmin priestly class in the State. Periyar’s anti-Brahmin rhetoric often manifested in the form of inflammatory speeches against Brahmins besides leading to the desecration of Hindu deities.

The rise of the Congress Party during the freedom struggle led to the decline of the Justice Party by 1937, despite them forming a government four times since 1920. In 1949, the DK experienced a split with the breakaway faction led by C.N. Annadurai forming the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK). It came to power in 1967 and distanced itself from the anti-Brahmin and anti-religion ideas of Periyar. And while the DK has very little role in the politics of Tamil Nadu today, even after a century of his most active years, a Tamilian tends to either be a staunch supporter of Periyar or a vocal opponent of EVR — there is no middle ground.

Inclusive policies

The foundation laid by these parties and their inclusive social reforms over three decades led to the broad-basing of education among all communities and reservations in government jobs for non-Brahmin castes and, to a lesser extent, Dalits. The K. Kamaraj-led Congress government stressed free education for all. The ‘Kalaignar’ Karunanidhi-led government focussed on uplifting the Dalit community through inclusive townships known as Samathuva Puram (Equality village). MGR’s mid-day meal scheme resulted in an increase in girls enrolment, their retention in schools and resolve to work.

From the 1990s, the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) government of Jayalalithaa and the DMK governments of Karunanidhi and later his son, Mr. Stalin, focussed on attracting FDIs in manufacturing, especially in the auto sector. As a result, Tamil Nadu has the highest proportion of urban population (almost 50%) in India, which is the engine driving its rapid economic growth and upward social mobility for all religions and castes.

Another remarkable achievement has been that around 42% of India’s female factory workers are from Tamil Nadu while making up just 6% of the national population. Such a successful social reform is among the lasting contributions of the social justice and self-respect movement to Tamil society.

The role of films

An equally significant factor for the lack of caste or religious bias in the average Tamil Nadu voter is the role and influence of Tamil films and its actors. The Tamil film industry is reputed for rewarding only meritorious artists, without any consideration for religion or caste. While MGR, Jayalalithaa and now Mr. Vijay were/are stars, Karunanidhi was a script writer of many hit films, including some of MGR’s. Between Karunanidhi, MGR and Jayalalithaa, the film industry’s connection with governance in Tamil Nadu has been as long as 42 years. By organising the 1,000th year of the Thanjavur Big Temple in a grand manner in 2010, Karunanidhi demonstrated that an atheist ruler need not be against the devout practising their faith.

Now, the TVK, Mr. Vijay’s party, has managed to field and secure victories for a high number of MLAs who are Dalit and women.

In conclusion, the Tamil Nadu voter has almost always voted on considerations other than the religion or the caste of the candidate due to historical movements over the past century, and due to the positive influence of films produced by the secular Tamil film industry. Tamil Nadu has achieved something that required a great struggle in Europe in the 18th century, namely the separation of the Church and the Crown. Tamil movies and Tamil Nadu politics are an inseparable jodi that has largely been of benefit to the State socially and economically. For the same reason, it is not an easily replicable model for other States.

S. Ramasundaram is a retired IAS officer of the 1979 batch in Tamil Nadu, and writes on macro-economy, population and public health. Views are personal.