Tamil Nadu may be gripped by election fever, but among a cross-section of Muslims in Ramanathapuram, the war in West Asia often overshadows polls in discussions. With kin living in the Persian Gulf, many get daily updates from them.

Iran draws near-universal sympathy here, though the Muslim population is largely not Shia. Chelladurai Abdullah, a Congress leader, says there may be divisions among Muslim countries, but the blame for the war lies squarely with U.S. President Donald Trump.

Follow | Assembly Election LIVE updates

Pointing to Ramanathapuram’s historical links with Iran, Mahamood Naina, a writer and historian from Keelakarai, disputes the perception that Islam came to the region mainly through Arabs. He highlights the role of Persians.

Mr. Naina cites Marco Polo’s account of Taki-uddin Abdu-r Rahman, a Persian who served as deputy and minister to a Pandya king, and was granted possession of Fattan (likely Keelakarai), Malifattan, and Káil. He says Taki-uddin’s descendants include Vallal Seethakathi of Keelakarai. Referring to Persian historian Wassaf, Mr. Naina adds that Taki-uddin supplied horses to the Madurai king and Malabar through his brother Jamaluddin from Kish Island in Iran, not far from newsmaking Hormuz of today.

He also speaks of Sheik Syed Mohammed Neyshaburi, a Sufi saint from the Iranian city of Neyshabur, who lived in Keelakarai with his disciples. The 14th-century Moroccan traveller, Ibn Battuta, recorded meeting him there. “Persian was known widely here, and the ulema continued to speak it until recently,” says Mr. Naina.

Mohideen Thambi, an 81-year-old retired officer of Hindustan Photo Films in Ooty, listens to these accounts and recalls the pre-Islamic Sokkanathar or Meenakshi Sundareswarar temple in Keelakarai. He says his best friend is a Hindu, who has recently become a firm BJP supporter. “I tell him he only has to give up Bunch Of Thoughts, RSS leader Golwalkar’s book, and everything would be fine,” he says.

The elections do find their way into street conversations in Keelakarai, where Muslims form about 80% of the population, according to the 2011 Census. “Most of us will vote for the DMK,” says Ahmed Nizar, a retired electrical officer in the merchant navy, seated next to Mr. Thambi.

Keelakarai falls under the Ramanathapuram constituency. The district has about 15% Muslim population, while nearly one in five residents in Ramanathapuram town are Muslims.

At a tea shop, Nawaz, the owner, asks a customer if he remembers when Keelakarai was an AIADMK bastion. The customer agrees, recalling how the DMK once struggled in local body elections.

That was another era, says Anwhar Raajhaa, a veteran politician, former AIADMK Minister, and Lok Sabha MP. Mr. Chelladurai notes that the AIADMK has fielded only one Muslim candidate this time, at Palayamkottai, which he calls a DMK stronghold.

Mr. Raajhaa recalls MGR’s appeal among Muslims, which continued under Jayalalithaa. Mr. Thambi agrees, noting that many women in Keelakarai once voted for the AIADMK.

Voting intentions

Now out of sync with an AIADMK aligned with the BJP, Mr. Raajhaa has joined the DMK. “Muslims with some political maturity, especially older people, will vote for the DMK. Muslim youth may consider voting for (actor-politician) Vijay,” he says, adding that Mr. Vijay represents an alternative, and has denied any association with the BJP. “But does he have the character or organisation to sustain it,” he asks.

At the tea shop, opinions on Mr. Vijay differ. The discussion turns to news of his rally in Tiruppur being cancelled after people fainted in the heat. “If Mr. Vijay had begun grassroots work earlier, he would have been stronger,” the customer says.

Abdullah, a 21-year-old from Tirupullani, says many of his friends support Mr. Vijay. “I’ll vote for the DMK, but I’m not sure all my friends will,” he says.

Haider Ali, at the Bharathi Nagar mosque in Ramanathapuram town, says that while his generation was active in parties such as the DMK and the AIADMK, many Muslim youth today are linked to socio-political organisations such as the SDPI. “These organisations are supporting the DMK now, so Muslim youth will vote for the DMK,” he says.

Mohammed Haider Ali Khan, a jeweller in Thangachimadam, says Muslims have only one option. “When our citizenship itself is questioned, the DMK has consistently raised its voice for us. Governance or corruption is secondary,” he says.

Mr. Chelladurai argues that the BJP’s brand of politics won’t work in Ramanathapuram, where Muslims are deeply integrated into society. “Caste groups like Naickers call Muslims mama. Aasaris, the artisans, call us appa,” he says.

Mr. Naina refers to the DMK candidate for Ramanathapuram, Khathar Batcha Muthuramalingam, who belongs to the Mukkulathor community. “He says Khathar Batcha is a common family name that comes from the Nagore saint. But I believe it comes from a Sufi saint, who lived in Mudukulathur,” he adds.