惯性聚合 高效追踪和阅读你感兴趣的博客、新闻、科技资讯
阅读原文 在惯性聚合中打开

推荐订阅源

G
Google Developers Blog
Google DeepMind News
Google DeepMind News
Hugging Face - Blog
Hugging Face - Blog
D
Docker
F
Fortinet All Blogs
博客园 - 三生石上(FineUI控件)
Project Zero
Project Zero
Engineering at Meta
Engineering at Meta
J
Java Code Geeks
CTFtime.org: upcoming CTF events
CTFtime.org: upcoming CTF events
Simon Willison's Weblog
Simon Willison's Weblog
S
Security Affairs
NISL@THU
NISL@THU
T
Tor Project blog
A
About on SuperTechFans
宝玉的分享
宝玉的分享
腾讯CDC
S
Schneier on Security
Cyber Security Advisories - MS-ISAC
Cyber Security Advisories - MS-ISAC
P
Privacy & Cybersecurity Law Blog
cs.CL updates on arXiv.org
cs.CL updates on arXiv.org
Stack Overflow Blog
Stack Overflow Blog
P
Privacy International News Feed
雷峰网
雷峰网
C
Cyber Attacks, Cyber Crime and Cyber Security
Vercel News
Vercel News
Cisco Talos Blog
Cisco Talos Blog
D
DataBreaches.Net
让小产品的独立变现更简单 - ezindie.com
让小产品的独立变现更简单 - ezindie.com
Google Online Security Blog
Google Online Security Blog
Recorded Future
Recorded Future
L
LINUX DO - 热门话题
Microsoft Security Blog
Microsoft Security Blog
Latest news
Latest news
C
Check Point Blog
有赞技术团队
有赞技术团队
T
The Exploit Database - CXSecurity.com
cs.AI updates on arXiv.org
cs.AI updates on arXiv.org
云风的 BLOG
云风的 BLOG
SecWiki News
SecWiki News
Application and Cybersecurity Blog
Application and Cybersecurity Blog
爱范儿
爱范儿
月光博客
月光博客
V
Vulnerabilities – Threatpost
T
Threat Research - Cisco Blogs
P
Palo Alto Networks Blog
T
The Blog of Author Tim Ferriss
C
Cisco Blogs
Webroot Blog
Webroot Blog
S
Security @ Cisco Blogs

Opinion, Editorial, Views, Columnists, Columns | The HinduBusinessLine

Rupee can’t be defended from just one side Railways’ performance Why not have a women-only party? Labour pangs Pak’s peculiar comeback on the global stage Letters to Editor India has jobs, but it needs better ones Cross-border insolvency laws and trade A major health challenge Editorial. Snooping around Letters to the Editor dated April 20, 2026 All you want to know about the women’s reservation and delimitation bills fiasco Editorial. Process deficit Letters to the Editor dated April 19, 2026 WPI effect on new GDP series The tragic reality of police brutality India’s AI value paradox Prepare the ground India-Korea economic ties poised to strengthen Nari Shakti Bill — a missed opportunity Natural farming should become mainstream policy Insights from new GDP data Strategies to enhance fertilizer security Pathway to maritime insurance sovereignty Why the GoP’s jittery Clear the smoke Aiding piped gas push Stocks are the least over-priced asset in India Is TCS harassment case tip of the iceberg? SIP with caution Global gold ETFs post worst-ever $12 billion monthly outflow: WGC How India is funding Silicon Valley’s rise Cyber insecurity Continuity via status quo Iran war, a boon for the BRICS Assessing the easing of provisioning norms by RBI Iran war, a test for India’s economic resilience Iran war’s impact on India’s farm output and food inflation Economic competence in judiciary Pressure point India moving up the pharma value chain NFRA’s statutory leap Finance capital in time of war How West-Asia war could reshape the AI race When signals diverge: Reading the Nifty-Gold ratio Mohali’s miracle boys Plastic concerns Nice countries come last Lawyers matter more than ever for corporates Odisha central to our aluminium ambitions Editorial. Fair deal Editorial. Wait and watch Letters to the Editor dated April 10, 2026 Unfortunate fallout of cyber crime investigations Letters to the Editor dated April 9, 2026 Will the uneasy truce hold? Charting an intellectually honest way of forecasting RBI plumps for caution amidst uncertainty Large corporates and the sustainability transition of MSMEs MPC positive, despite strong headwinds Cease and desist Together, let us empower our Nari Shakti An AI model that’s too risky NPS funds consistency check: what 10-year rolling returns reveal Editorial. Nuclear milestone Letters to the Editor dated April 7, 2026 Packaging woes China’s perennial industrial policy Sensex has fallen on account of global forces India’s strategic defiance at the WTO meet Freebies will hit Tamil Nadu’s fiscal health Close the backdoor in tobacco FDI policy Is EU’s CBAM discriminatory? Editorial. Freebies unplugged Letters to the Editor dated April 6, 2026 Projecting growth is not easy Improving safety in Indian aviation Amendments to FCRA India’s outreach to Angola will contain energy risk Oil shocks and the rupee: The tricky 100s Sensex at 40: Secrets behind long-term wealth in markets Editorial. Sweeping powers India’s next social protection is care, not cash In West Asia, it is advantage China Is awarding Trump a Nobel Prize the best bet for peace? Editorial. Knotty regulations Letters to the Editor dated April 3, 2026 Time to push for rupee internationalisation Up in the air Time for industry to lead economic resilience Allied healthcare needs attention What holds back investor participation? Still no endgame in sight Challenging year What happens when CAD rises Reorienting farm research Telecom infra must rest on strong fibre network A severe test for monetary policy India’s chance in supply chain reset Bengaluru’s housing market is growing but affordability is shrinking
US may have actually gained in Iran war
Uday Balakrishnan · 2026-06-17 · via Opinion, Editorial, Views, Columnists, Columns | The HinduBusinessLine
A less isolated Iran could improve American access to critical mineral supply chains extending into Central Asia

A less isolated Iran could improve American access to critical mineral supply chains extending into Central Asia | Photo Credit: MAJID ASGARIPOUR

The latest reports emerging from American negotiations with Iran are intriguing. Discussions have reportedly touched not only on sanctions relief and a possible nuclear arrangement, but also on reconstruction assistance, the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, and broader economic normalisation. Taken together, these proposals raise a question many observers remain reluctant to ask: Have we misunderstood Donald Trump’s approach to West Asia?

The dominant interpretation portrays Trump’s foreign policy as impulsive, transactional, and chaotic. Yet beneath the rhetoric and daily controversies there may be a more coherent logic at work, one shaped less by ideology than by incentives, leverage, and the lessons from America’s recent wars. If there is one event that may explain Trump’s instincts better than any campaign speech or social-media post, it is Iraq.

For much of the post-Cold War period, American foreign policy operated on the assumption that hostile regimes could be removed, political systems reconstructed, and stable partners eventually created. Iraq became the most ambitious test of that proposition. Years of occupation, institution-building, sectarian conflict, insurgency, and eventually the rise of ISIS demonstrated how uncertain the political aftermath of military success could be. Nearly 5,000 American service members lost their lives, tens of thousands more were wounded, and enormous financial resources were committed over two decades. Regime-change proved easier than shaping what came next.

Drawing on the American experience in Iraq and Afghanistan, Trump appears to have reached a different conclusion. His preference seems to be for a lighter model of power: applying pressure to create leverage and eliminating specific threats where necessary, while avoiding responsibility for rebuilding entire countries.

Approach to sanctions

This perspective may also explain Trump’s approach to sanctions. He is often portrayed as a believer in sanctions for their own sake. Yet the evidence suggests something more nuanced. Maximum pressure may be applied, but routes for negotiation and economic engagement are rarely closed completely. A permanently sanctioned country remains a source of instability and recurring geopolitical costs. A country that can eventually be brought into a framework favourable to American interests becomes an investment destination and a participant in a broader economic order.

This may help understand why Iran occupies such an interesting place in the emerging picture. For decades it has been viewed as a threat that needed to be contained. Yet Iran has demonstrated remarkable resilience in the face of overwhelming pressure. It has developed sophisticated missile and drone capabilities and built a significant indigenous industrial and scientific base. Paradoxically, those strengths may have increased Iran’s strategic value. From a transactional perspective, a capable Iran induced to re-enter global commerce and benefit from doing so under rules largely shaped by Washington may prove more valuable than a perpetually isolated adversary.

Together, Iran and Iraq, both predominantly Shia societies, account for nearly 130 million people. Their combined energy resources and industrial potential make them strategically significant. Under conditions of stability, investment, and normalisation, this corridor could become one of the most important economic zones in West Asia.

The recent confrontation with Iran may illustrate another lesson Trump appears to have absorbed: military force and diplomacy are complementary. If followed by negotiation, military action becomes part of a broader bargaining process rather than an end in itself. The message is that the US retains the capacity to impose costs on a scale few states can comfortably absorb. Once that point has been established, diplomacy proceeds under different conditions. Seen in this light, discussions of sanctions relief, reconstruction assistance, reopened trade routes, and renewed nuclear negotiations cease to look contradictory. According to a recent Financial Times report, discussions have included a possible $300 billion reconstruction fund linked to a broader settlement. Whether such proposals materialise remains uncertain. Yet they suggest that pressure and engagement may be sequential stages of the same strategy.

Trump’s circle

Another factor may be shaping these calculations. The circles surrounding Trump increasingly include entrepreneurs, investors, technology executives, financiers, and builders of large commercial platforms. Many come from sectors at the forefront of global innovation and economic growth. It would be surprising if their perspectives were absent from conversations surrounding a president whose instincts have always been rooted in commerce and deal-making.

For such people, a less conflict-ridden West Asia offers a potentially enormous economic opportunity. Depending on how one defines the region, the Middle East and West Asia encompass around 400 million people, sitting astride some of the world’s most important trade and energy corridors.

A less isolated Iran could improve American access to these routes and, more importantly, to critical mineral supply chains extending into Central Asia. A normalisation of relations with Iran could yield an additional strategic dividend, helping ensure that America plays a leading role in shaping West Asia’s economic recovery and its deeper integration with surrounding markets, while reducing China’s ability to use Iran’s strategic location to advance its Belt and Road Initiative. This is why the Iranian question may be more consequential than it first appears.

The central issue may not be whether Trump seeks to weaken adversaries, but whether weakening them is viewed as the final objective. The emerging discussions with Iran raise the possibility that sanctions, military pressure, and diplomacy are being deployed not as competing strategies but as stages in a broader effort to reshape incentives. If Iraq demonstrated the limits of remaking countries through prolonged military intervention, Iran may become the test of whether leverage and incentives can achieve what occupation could not.

History has not yet rendered its verdict. But it is possible that both Trump’s admirers and critics remain focused on the spectacle while missing the larger question: whether leverage, rather than prolonged war, has become the principal instrument through which America seeks to shape the future of West Asia — and perhaps the wider world.

The writer was a Visiting Fellow at leading institutions in India and abroad and taught public policy and contemporary history at IISc, Bengaluru

Published on June 18, 2026