The BJP has wrested a two-thirds majority in the West Bengal election. For a party with overwhelming presence in the rest of the country, this is not just another win. It’s a homecoming. BJP’s earlier avatar, the Jan Sangh, was founded by legendary educationist Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee from Kolkata.
His untimely death in 1953 and the rise of the Communists weakened the space for BJP. The 2026 win will contribute significantly to strengthening the party’s ideological position.
Typical of the State’s political tradition, BJP’s rise is largely attributed to negative voting against the Trinamool Congress. Bengali Hindus, however, overwhelmingly voted for change. The outcome will strengthen the nation’s security apparatus.
West Bengal is not merely a border State but also maintains connectivity to 8 per cent of India’s landmass in the North-East, accounting for nearly half of the India-China border. A tectonic shift in the political landscape will, therefore, have definite geopolitical significance.
Strategic State
The strategic importance of the State had gone up dramatically in the last few years with the rising interests of the US-led West in the Bay of Bengal region and tensions in Bangladesh and Myanmar. India-China rivalry remains a strategic constant.
Mamata Banerjee’s politics of confrontation and tepid interest in growth and infrastructure development was a serious impediment to India’s strategic planning. West Bengal missed the infra-building rush of the country over the last decade. Land was not provided even for border fencing.
The growing muscle of Islamists with connections across the border was an imminent concern. West Bengal witnessed a dozen or more riots in the Mamata era. The police force became politicised and misused, impacting law and order.
Given West Bengal’s history of political violence, coupled with the sustained decline in its economic fortunes over the last half a century, the State became a drag on the national economy. BJP has to revive the State’s fortunes and the job will not be easy.
Decades of Left rule (barring a few years of the Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee government) and TMC, destroyed the economy.
The Left rose to power through destruction of industry and so did Mamata. The results were visible in this poll season when high voter turnout in Bengal triggered a house-help crisis in the rest of the nation.
From third in terms of relative per capita income, Bengal now stands 24th. The decline is visible in a 200-300 per cent difference in agri-wages between West Bengal and Kerala, Tamil Nadu or Gujarat. The gap is wider if compared to North Bengal.
No wonder that Bengalis are crowding out the low-skill job markets from Kashmir to Kanyakumari. The comparison with neighbouring Bihar is revealing. Bihar suffers from high population growth. Bengal, on the other hand, reports India’s lowest total fertility rate (TFR) — lower than China. Population has been shrinking in cities, starting with Kolkata, where TFR is lower than Japan.
At least two generations of small families have triggered aspirations which remained unfulfilled. Jobs are low-paying and offer limited prospects for upward mobility. Politics has patronised dole-oriented, sub-optimal living.
The decimation of Bengal has been all-encompassing. Bihar not only sends out its poor, it is also churning out white-collar professionals in great numbers. Bengal’s bureaucracy and police administration are run by Biharis. Kolkata, however, lost much of its national eminence in areas like law and finance.
Farm distress
The rural economy is struggling from the ill-effects of land reforms. The small land parcels have become uneconomic. Strict land ceiling and share-cropper rule limit prospects of land consolidation.
The poor give land to the rich on an annual lease. The rich do everything to keep it under their control, but in the absence of ownership they do not make major capital expenditure. Crop diversification and value creation prospects suffer. Bihar does not face such constraints.
The Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee government of CPI(M) tried to reverse the trend by allowing entry of corporates in agri-marketing. His party blocked it. Mamata Banerjee’s politics thrived on the status quo. Less said about her industrial policy the better.
In a bizarre decision in 2025, West Bengal retrospectively scrapped all industrial incentive schemes offered to businesses over the last three decades. The trigger lies in a lack of resources.
Lack of industries and low income have limited the scope of central tax share. The own-tax collection (approximately 45 per cent) is disproportionately dependent on liquor sales for growth. Own tax revenue buoyancy is low (below 1).
With its promises to double the doles offered by Mamata and implement the Seventh Pay Commission for State government employees and pensioners within 45 days of assuming power, the BJP government will be in a financial crunch from day one.
The saffron party promised to build industrial hubs on land available in the steel city of Durgapur, the port city of Haldia and Singur. This is surely doable but not easy. Any positive impact will take at least a decade to reflect in the overall economic health of the State.
The biggest problem lies in the availability of resources. The problem starts from the bureaucracy, which lacks quality officers, thanks to political interference. BJP has to undertake a thorough but careful overhaul of the system. A roughshod approach may end up creating more problems.
The challenge is huge. People have high expectations from the BJP. Can the party fulfil them?
The writer is an independent journalist
Published on May 6, 2026