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The Texas Republican was frustrated by a nearly year-long delay in getting his state reimbursed by the Trump administration for more than $10 billion in border security spending that Congress had already approved. Cornyn had something valuable to withhold as lawmakers prepared to take up President Donald Trump’s $70 billion immigration spending bill.
“Basically, I told Senator Barrasso and Senator [John] Thune: ‘There’s a price for my vote, and it is to get the administration to release the money,’” Cornyn told Semafor in a recent interview in his hideaway office on the Capitol’s third floor. “Next thing I got is a call from [White House budget director] Russ Vought, and Russ said, ‘we’ll put a notice of funding.’”
Cornyn added a reminder that, with more than six months left in office and a sophisticated understanding of the Senate, he’s positioned to play more hardball if he has to: “That’s one example I think of what you can do when you have some cards to play.”
The four-term incumbent is already setting some conditions on his critical undecided vote for Trump’s attorney general pick, Todd Blanche. Cornyn has returned to the candor he displayed for years in the Senate halls, offering withering assessments of Trump’s Iran deal and legislative strategy — a pattern he might continue on Wednesday, when the president visits GOP senators in person.
One thing the two-time campaign arm won’t threaten to withhold is his largesse on the trail. He is organizing a large September fundraiser for his colleagues and favorite Senate candidates: Sens. Jon Husted of Ohio, Susan Collins of Maine and Dan Sullivan of Alaska, plus former Sen. John Sununu of New Hampshire and former Rep. Mike Rogers of Michigan.
Cornyn draws the line, however, at sending money to Ken Paxton, the Texas attorney general who defeated him in the GOP primary with Trump’s endorsement. Working for other candidates in cheaper states makes more sense to Cornyn, who isn’t sure Paxton can win.
“The president picked Paxton, and he’s got $350 million dollars. I think he can spend his money,” Cornyn said of Texas and Trump. “I’m going to try to help in other places.”
Cornyn is throwing himself into the battle for the Senate because he is “very worried about the midterms,” with Republicans in danger of losing both chambers of Congress. Citing a recent poll that showed Husted down by 8 points in Ohio, the Texan said his party is struggling in “places where we should be kind of running away with it.”
As for his own fate, Cornyn theorized that Trump’s endorsement of Paxton was, in part, “to punish” the Senate majority leader, “because Thune had made it very clear he was supporting me.” After Thune narrowly edged out Cornyn for the Senate GOP leader job in 2024, the two quickly patched things up.
“I don’t know how Paxton raises the money he’s going to need to run against Talarico — who’s got unlimited resources — in the next four and a half months,” Cornyn said. “And while Talarico is definitely a weirdo, you know, take your pick.”
Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick says Cornyn’s lack of enthusiasm for Paxton makes him a “sore loser.” Cornyn sees comments like that as proof that his state’s party leaders are “basically continuing to alienate what I would call traditional conservative Republicans like me, and the people who voted for me. Makes no sense whatsoever.”
As Cornyn shows off his independence from a party Trump has captured, he’s getting backup from colleagues who’ve already done the same. Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, who lost her own primary in 2010, said Cornyn is now “looking forward, he’s not looking backwards — which I think is good and healthy.”
Sen. Bill Cassidy, R-La., also ousted by Trump in May, told Semafor that he and Cornyn are “like-minded in the sense that we’re both not returning, and that gives a certain focus. And he’s conveyed he’s got no illusions about the president.
“But you know,” Cassidy added, “it’s not like we sit around in a smoke-filled room, plotting the strategy.”
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