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The divergence in their views was clearest — and most damaging — on the IMF’s recommendation for Senegal to restructure its debt. Sonko rejected the idea of a formal program, arguing that the country could meet debt repayments without such a painful move. Faye, by contrast, has signalled a more flexible approach aimed at finding “potential pathways toward a solution,” and this month signalled that he would personally oversee talks with the Fund.
The alliance between the two men was always based on a delicate understanding: Faye would occupy the presidency while Sonko, appointed prime minister immediately after the election, remained the movement’s dominant political force and strategist. That arrangement initially projected unity, but it also created an ambiguous dual power structure inside the government.
Sonko periodically signaled frustration that the government was drifting from Pastef’s original agenda, while Faye sought to assert a more conventional presidential authority. Each made their own policy pronouncements and it became increasingly difficult to see how the government could move forward in the absence of a shared purpose and direction.
Senegal’s president can now rebuild his government in his image, appointing ministers who pledge allegiance solely to him. He can make decisions without his authority being undermined by his prime minister.
But Faye’s gamble also raises the risk that Sonko mobilizes his supporters to turn against Faye, be it through political sabotage or organizing protests. Sonko’s popularity should not be underestimated and nor should his ability to weaponize his support to great effect, just as he did to bring Faye to power.
Sonko has proven himself to be an incredibly effective political insurgent: he created the Faye presidency and could find a way to end it.
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