Israel’s attack on Iran is only the most recent example of its degeneration in recent decades, coming on top of its illegal occupation of the Palestinian territories, ethnic cleansing in the West Bank, genocide in Gaza, invasion of Syria and relentless bombardment of Lebanon. The fact that the US joined in this illegal war confirmed to many in the region what they have long suspected: that the country is an outpost of western imperialism in the Middle East.

The state of Israel, which arose from the ashes of the Holocaust 77 years ago, has received an unprecedented degree of international sympathy and support ever since. This support was partly due to western guilt and partly due to the perception of the Jewish state as an island of democracy in a sea of authoritarianism. The country’s Declaration of Independence promised to uphold “the full social and political equality of all its citizens without distinction of race, creed or sex”. In the early years of statehood, Israel was seen in the west as an icon of liberal, progressive and egalitarian society.

Today, it is widely regarded as an immoral, violent, cruel and oppressive apartheid state. The Israeli response to the Hamas attack of 7 October 2023 was a major milestone in the gradual slide to its status as an international pariah. Israel claimed the right to self-defence, but proceeded to act in flagrant violation of international humanitarian law. The international court of justice in The Hague found that there was a plausible risk of genocide in Gaza and ordered Israel to take a series of measures to stop it. Israel, as is its wont, ignored the ruling. A UN commission concluded that Israel was, in fact, guilty of genocide. The international criminal court issued a warrant for the arrest of the prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu for war crimes. The Israeli state thus stands credibly accused of war crimes, of crimes against humanity, and even of the crime of crimes – genocide.

The moral and political degradation of Israel is the subject of this remarkable book. The author, Omer Bartov, has impeccable credentials for writing it: he was born on a kibbutz, he served as an officer in the IDF, and is currently professor of holocaust and genocide studies at Brown University in the US. It is dedicated to his father, Hanoch Bartov, “the last Zionist”, a reference to the liberal brand of Zionism to which the whole family were evidently dedicated. Yet this book is written more in sorrow than in anger. Its goal is not to condemn Zionism but to explain its evolution from a dream to a nightmare.

To do so, Bartov goes back to the formation of Israel in 1948. In a chapter entitled The Missing Constitution, he bemoans the failure of the founding fathers to resolve the question of how a multi-ethnic state can remain both Jewish and democratic; in other words, their failure to square the circle of ethno-nationalism and pluralism.

Had a written constitution in the spirit of the Declaration of Independence been adopted, he argues, and had generations of Israelis been raised with respect for the constitution and pride in a bill of rights for all human beings, “the creeping racism of Israeli society might have been tempered, and the astonishing indifference to the genocide being perpetrated in Gaza and the daily crimes and pogroms on the West Bank might have elicited a greater sense of scandal”. Maybe. History does not disclose its alternatives. Arguably, however, Bartov does not go back far enough in history to explore the roots of Israeli racism. Zionism is a self-avowed settler-colonial movement and its principal political progeny – the state of Israel – is a settler-colonial state. The logic of settler-colonialism is the elimination of the natives in order to take over the land and its resources. Ethnic cleansing is the means by which this goal is achieved. In 1948, the newly born state of Israel carried out the ethnic cleansing of Palestine: 750,000 Palestinians became refugees and the name Palestine was wiped off the map. This is what Palestinians call the Nakba, meaning “catastrophe”. From the point of view of the victims, the viciousness of Zionism is nothing new; they have known it all along.

Moreover, the Nakba was not a one-off event; it is an ongoing process. This process reached its climax in Gaza in the aftermath of the Hamas attack. Israel’s original aim was to depopulate the whole of the Gaza Strip, with its 2.3 million inhabitants, by pushing them across the international border into northern Sinai. When this plan was resisted by Egypt, Israel resorted to the wholesale destruction of Gaza to make it uninhabitable. As Bartov notes, ethnic cleansing can escalate into genocide, and genocide in Gaza was accompanied by the intensified ethnic cleansing of the West Bank.

As a historian, Bartov believes that the first step in building a better future is understanding the hopes and aspirations of the other, as well as the errors and sins of the past. One hopeful conclusion that he draws from Israel’s campaign in Gaza is that, in the long term, it will liberate Israel itself from its status as a unique state rooted in the Holocaust. This will hardly help the 73,000 Palestinian victims, but it does give rise to a faint hope that the licence that Israel has enjoyed throughout its history may be expiring.

Anyone seeking an explanation of Israel’s “fall from grace” will find no better guide than this perceptive, sophisticated, erudite, elegantly written and strikingly fair-minded book. Even traditional supporters of Israel, who are feeling discomfort, perhaps even disgust, at its recent atrocities, may find in Omer Bartov, to borrow the title of Rabbi Moshe ben Maimon’s famous 12th-century book, A Guide for the Perplexed.