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According to Reuters, the meeting is being attended by Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong and Japanese Foreign Minister Takeshi Iwaya. India’s Ministry of External Affairs earlier confirmed that the Quad foreign ministers’ meeting would be held in New Delhi on 26 May at Jaishankar’s invitation.
What makes this meeting especially important is that it is already the third Quad ministerial round since September 2024. This demonstrates that the participants are seeking to restore political momentum to the format and transform it from a platform for consultations into a more practical mechanism for cooperation in security, economics and technology.
The Quad is not a military alliance in the traditional sense, but its significance has long extended beyond ordinary diplomatic dialogue. The format brings together four countries that view the Indo-Pacific as a space of strategic competition, economic interdependence and growing risks. For the United States, it is an instrument for maintaining influence in Asia. For India, it is a way to strengthen its role as an independent centre of power. For Japan and Australia, it is a mechanism for coordinating with partners amid China’s increasingly assertive regional policy.

Photo: Getty Images
The main context of the current meeting is China. In recent years, Beijing has actively strengthened its position in the South China Sea, expanded its economic presence across Asia, developed infrastructure projects and increased its control over critical production chains. That is why the Quad is increasingly discussing not only security, but also technology, rare earths, supply-chain resilience, maritime routes and the protection of strategic infrastructure.
The importance of the meeting is also reflected in the scale of the region itself. The Indo-Pacific accounts for around 60 per cent of global GDP and is home to more than half of the world’s population. Around 60 per cent of global maritime trade passes through Asia, while roughly one-third of global shipping moves through the South China Sea. These figures demonstrate why any escalation in the region could have consequences far beyond Asia — from energy prices to the stability of supplies of goods, technology and raw materials.
This is why maritime security has become one of the central topics of the meeting. The Indo-Pacific is not only a political map, but also a network of crucial sea routes through which trade, energy resources and strategic cargo are transported. Any crisis in the South China Sea, the Taiwan Strait or other chokepoints of global logistics could affect the world economy. The Quad is therefore seeking to improve coordination in maritime monitoring, information-sharing and the protection of freedom of navigation.
One of the format’s key practical projects remains the Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness. This initiative helps partners track suspicious maritime activity, including so-called “dark vessels” — ships that switch off tracking systems or attempt to conceal their routes. Quad countries have previously said that more than two dozen states have gained access to such data. This demonstrates that the format is already trying to move from political declarations to concrete security tools.
Another important topic is supply chains. The pandemic, trade wars, sanctions, conflicts and rising geopolitical tensions have demonstrated how dangerous it can be to depend on a single production centre or supply route. For Japan and Australia, the issue of critical minerals and rare earth elements is especially important. Reuters notes that Japan is seeking alternative sources of critical minerals amid Chinese trade restrictions.
This issue did not emerge suddenly. In 2025, Quad countries announced the launch of a critical minerals initiative aimed at diversifying supply chains and reducing dependence on narrow centres of production and processing. For the United States, India, Japan and Australia, this is not only an economic issue, but also a matter of national security: without critical minerals, it is impossible to develop defence industries, electronics, batteries, green energy and modern technologies.
For India, this meeting carries particular significance. New Delhi is hosting its partners and effectively demonstrating that it remains one of the key powers in the Indo-Pacific. India seeks to preserve strategic autonomy: it does not want to become a junior partner of the United States, but it is also interested in preventing excessive Chinese influence. That is why Jaishankar needs to show that the Quad is not an explicitly anti-China bloc, but rather a platform for practical cooperation on security, economic resilience and regional stability.
For the United States, Marco Rubio's participation is also symbolically and practically important. Washington is trying to show that its Asia strategy remains active despite domestic political disputes and other international crises. According to AP, Rubio stressed the need to make the Quad more action-oriented, rather than merely a platform for diplomatic statements. This is an important signal: the US wants the format to produce concrete solutions, not merely discuss problems.
The meeting is also taking place against the backdrop of broader international instability. AP reports that the ministers are also discussing the conflict involving Iran and disruptions to energy supplies through the Strait of Hormuz. This demonstrates that the Quad is no longer limited to East Asia or the South China Sea. For the countries involved, all areas where maritime security, energy and geopolitics intersect are becoming increasingly important.
It is also noteworthy that the Quad meeting is taking place as China actively hosts foreign leaders. Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić continues his visit to Beijing, while Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif is concluding his trip to China. Against this backdrop, New Delhi is emerging as an alternative diplomatic centre of the day: while China demonstrates its ability to attract partners through investment, infrastructure and political cooperation, the Quad is trying to present a different model — coordination among countries concerned about Beijing’s growing influence.

Photo: Getty Images
However, the Quad also has weaknesses. The format remains relatively flexible and lacks a rigid institutional structure. This gives participants room for manoeuvre, but at the same time limits their ability to make binding decisions quickly. Moreover, all four countries have different interests. The United States views the Quad through the prism of global competition with China. India seeks to avoid direct confrontation and preserve balance. Japan focuses on security, technology and access to raw materials. Australia is interested in reducing risks while remaining economically connected to Asian markets.
That is why the meeting in New Delhi matters not only as a diplomatic event, but also as a test of the Quad’s viability. If the ministers can agree on practical steps in maritime security, critical minerals, infrastructure and supply chains, the format will preserve its role as one of the key mechanisms in the Indo-Pacific. If the meeting is limited to general statements, questions about the Quad’s real effectiveness will only grow stronger.
For global politics, the New Delhi meeting has become one of the key events of 26 May. It demonstrates that the Indo-Pacific remains a central arena of global competition. The interests of the United States, China, India, Japan, Australia and other powers intersect there. It is in this region that the future balance of power is now being shaped — whether it will be more open, multipolar and based on partnership, or more fragmented and confrontational.
Against this backdrop, the Quad is trying to prove that it can be more than a club of like-minded countries. It wants to become a genuine instrument of influence. The question is whether the four countries can turn their shared concerns about China and regional instability into a concrete strategy for action. For now, the New Delhi meeting demonstrates that the struggle for the Indo-Pacific is becoming no less important than the crises in Europe and the Middle East.
By Samir Muradov
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