To achieve this, we shouldn't rely on 'halfway house' reform, such as the attempt to abolish Seanad Éireann in 2013. We need real and deep engagement, with the obvious vehicle being a Citizens’ Assembly. 

When Ireland faced deep, seemingly intractable societal questions regarding marriage equality and reproductive rights, we trusted the people to map the way forward. Redesigning our democracy demands that same level of engagement with the wider community.

The brief for such an assembly must be bold. It should start by asking a fundamental question: Does Ireland really need both a Dáil and a Seanad? Or would a single chamber, like that of New Zealand, a country with a similar population, serve us better? 

If we were to make such a leap, however, we would absolutely need to overhaul our election system to guarantee effective representation and decision-making.

To declare my own bias, I would personally strongly propose the introduction of a mixed electoral system, electing half of our TDs through a one-member constituency PR preferential voting system, and the other half through a national list. 

Constituency system

The immediate benefit of retaining constituency TDs is that we would not lose the vital, grounded connection to local communities. 

There is a creeping snobbery in modern political commentary about this. 

We saw it just last week when British broadcaster Lewis Goodall dismissively referred to MPs as "glorified social workers". 

I’d be confident Lewis doesn't often need an MP’s help to navigate the complex, often broken systems around social benefits, healthcare, or school access. 

But many people do. It is undeniably good for our democracy that those legislating for us regularly hear about and work to resolve the everyday challenges of constituents. It informs their legislative duties.

And we need only look across the Atlantic to see the dangers of a system that insulates decision-makers from the needs of voters. In the United States, the president simply plucks "experts" to lead government departments. 

This model has given them a vaccine-sceptic secretary for health in Robert F. Kennedy Jr, a man his own first cousin, Caroline Kennedy, warned the US Senate was an "unqualified predator". 

We are already seeing the devastating consequences of such detached governance, with fewer US parents vaccinating their children leading to tragic, entirely preventable incidents, such as the 2025 measles outbreak in West Texas that claimed the lives of two unvaccinated children.

National list

But while constituency work is vital, electing the other half of our TDs through a list system offers unique advantages. 

It provides a pathway into public service for people who might not be in a position to leave their employment to carve out a seat in the brutal arena of competitive local politics. 

But because they would need to compete for a place on a party’s list, they would remain indirectly accountable to party members and constituency TDs, ensuring they stay cognisant of the realities on the ground. 

A list system would also bring advantages in terms of achieving more diversity, gender and otherwise. 

Currently, we require parties to meet quotas for female candidates, but there is no mechanism to guarantee their election. 

It is well-meaning and may inch numbers up over time, but a list system could deliver a Dáil that is at least 40% female overnight.

Hybrid system

A perceived downside to this hybrid model is that it might reduce the number of political parties on offer. But let's be honest, is that really a downside? 

For example, are centre left voters, who I count myself among, truly served by the current number of centre left parties, all frantically competing for the exact same slice of the electorate? 

A system that forces these factions to come together, sort out their differences ‘inside the tent’ — like any effective trade union, and present the public with a coherent, unified platform for government would arguably be a step forward.

For any of this to work at a national level, we must simultaneously reform local government by giving it real power. 

Unfortunately, the current headlines coming out of Limerick aren't exactly acting as a stellar advertisement for strong devolved powers. 

The ongoing tensions between our first directly elected Mayor, John Moran, and local councillors and council officials are deeply unedifying. Ultimately,  when you work in a scenario of such massive co-dependency, a critical KPI is the need to ‘build a bridge’ and work together. 

The greatest hurdle in all of this will be exciting the public. Most people are too busy with their daily lives, and anything that carries the stench of "more politicians", "more power for politicians", or navel-gazing electoral processes is sure to achieve an immediate switch off. 

But if we frame this debate relentlessly around how a reformed system can deliver better outcomes for our economy, our health services, our schools etc, we can bring the public with us. 

Capping numbers of TDs, as proposed by Senator McDowell, is an understandable band-aid, but let’s go for major surgery.

• Dermot Ryan is Chair of Alice Public Relations. He has worked as an advisor in both Irish and Australian politics and delivered capacity building programmes and training on political campaigning in Ireland for Women for Election and internationally for the Washington DCbased National Democratic Institute.