The Assam National Register of Citizens exercise of 2019 remains one of the most painful and contentious chapters in recent Indian history. After decades of dormancy, the updated NRC left nearly 1.9 million people excluded from the final list. 

Over a hundred Foreigners’ Tribunals were completely overwhelmed, creating massive backlogs that dragged on for years. Genuine Indian citizens, particularly women, members of tribal communities, and the rural poor, found themselves trapped in a harsh documentary regime that demanded flawless paper trails stretching across generations. 

Families were torn apart, communities became even more polarised, and the entire process came to symbolise administrative rigidity and political miscalculation. Yet, we would be wrong to dismiss the entire NRC concept as a failure just because of Assam’s experience. 

The idea itself did not collapse — what failed was its execution on a completely blank administrative slate, without proper safeguards, digital tools, or pre-existing mechanisms to separate natives from outsiders. 

Manipur is in a fundamentally stronger position. We already have an operational Inner Line Permit regime since January 2020, a politically and legally settled 1961 base year for determining native status, a much smaller and more manageable population. Those who loudly claim that a Manipur NRC will automatically become another Assam are either ignoring these clear structural advantages or deliberately using fear to block a much-needed exercise in demographic clarity.

A carefully designed NRC anchored in our ILP framework and shaped by every hard lesson from Assam can become a smooth, fair, transparent, and constitutionally sound process. It does not have to be chaotic. It can protect genuine citizens while clearly identifying those who do not belong, and in the end, it can help bring lasting peace to our fractured state. 

The current political hesitation following leadership changes should not become an excuse for indefinite delay. Administrative preparation must move forward regardless of electoral cycles. The biggest difference lies in our starting point. 

Assam had to build everything from scratch with no pre-verified distinction between natives and settlers, no reliable way to track recent entrants, and a bitterly disputed 1971 cutoff date that invited endless legal battles. Manipur faces none of these problems. 

Our 1961 cutoff is already formally adopted by the Cabinet for ILP purposes. It is a politically debated, government-notified benchmark backed by history, not an arbitrary line. This allows us to design the entire legacy data system around 1961 with far less risk of prolonged litigation — removing one of the heaviest burdens that haunted Assam.

Our ILP regime also gives us a ready-made definition of belonging. Native persons are exempt from permits, while non-Manipur persons must obtain one. This natural binary lets us triage the population into different verification streams from day one. Post-2020 entrants are already fully logged in the e-ILP digital portal with biometrics, photographs, and complete details. 

Unlike the problematic self-declared data in the National Population Register, this is mandatory, enforced information maintained by the state itself. The verification load is therefore distributed and manageable, not dumped onto one overwhelmed system as happened in Assam. 

For recent migrants, no complicated legacy linkage is even needed — their status as temporary residents is already clear on record. This digital backbone gives us visibility that Assam could only dream of and dramatically reduces the pool of unverified cases.

Manipur’s smaller population — roughly one-tenth the size of Assam’s — turns what was a logistical nightmare there into something feasible here. We can proactively address Assam’s biggest failures with practical measures. 

CM Yumnam Khemchand administration must launch community-centric documentation drives in hill districts, Imphal Valley villages, and among indigenous groups well before verification begins. These camps should help issue fresh certificates, digitise family records, and assist vulnerable sections so that women, tribals, and the poor are not left out. This changes the NRC from a feared gatekeeping exercise into a supportive, rights-based outreach programme.

We should also move away from Assam’s rigid insistence on long chains of documents. Accepting one strong legacy document for initial claims, supported by alternative proofs such as village elder testimonies, church records, traditional land documents, or community registers, would be far more humane. 

The ILP triage and digital cross-checks will still prevent fraud. Foreigners’ Tribunals must be expanded and made operational right now, not after the draft list is published. Early staffing, training, and digital case management will ensure swift due process and prevent the legendary backlogs that turned Assam’s exercise into a prolonged legal nightmare. 

Community participation is also equally essential. Local bodies, Meitei, Kuki, Naga and other communities, village authorities, civil society organizations and student groups should be formal partners in the process. A transparent, time-bound appeals mechanism publicised in local languages will build trust instead of suspicion. 

Border management must happen in parallel — accelerating fencing, tightening the Free Movement Regime, and strengthening biometric protocols along the porous Indo-Myanmar border, as already shown by reports from Kamjong district.In the present climate of hesitation, some suggest parking the full NRC and going for a Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls or waiting for the 2027 Census. 

This may sound practical but is deeply flawed. Some are now pushing for a Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls or waiting for the 2027 Census while parking the NRC. This is shortsighted.An SIR without legacy linkage to the 1961 cutoff is just surface cleaning. It cannot resolve citizenship. The descendants of those absorbed in 1967 or others who entered with dubious papers will stay on the rolls. Illegal migrants who managed to get voter cards won’t be caught. It creates false satisfaction while solving nothing.

A Census before the NRC is even riskier — it will officially record non-citizens as usual residents, giving them strong documentary evidence for future tribunals and permanently contaminating our data. 

The right order is clear and must not change with political shifts: complete legacy data digitisation first, followed by a legacy-linked pilot SIR, then the full NRC, and the Census last.The deeper truth is that demographic clarity is the foundation for peace in Manipur. 

The violence that erupted in May 2023 did not come from nowhere. It grew from decades of distrust over land, resources, representation, and unresolved questions of who truly belongs. When voter lists, welfare rolls, and government records are viewed with mutual suspicion by different communities, normal politics becomes impossible. 

An ILP-anchored NRC would create, for the first time in our modern history, a single authoritative register that distinguishes citizens from non-citizens. This clarity would lower tensions in elections, jobs, and resource sharing. It would remove the fog that feeds fear and allow communities to compete fairly within agreed boundaries. Indefinite delay in the name of fragile peace only keeps the root causes alive. 

Every new influx, every election, every Census risks fresh conflict if we refuse to resolve the underlying ambiguity.This exercise does not have to be traumatic. Manipur has the scale, the legal tools, the digital infrastructure, and the hard lessons from Assam to do it right. 

What we need now is quiet, determined administrative work — urgent digitisation of legacy records, strengthening of tribunals, pilot documentation drives, and parallel border security efforts. Political leadership may hesitate for now, but that should not stop civil servants, district administrations, and technical teams from moving forward with archival work and capacity building. When political will returns — and it must, given public demand — the state will be fully prepared.

A successful Manipur NRC will not be perfect, but it can be legitimate, fair to genuine citizens, and firm on outsiders. It can become a model for other Northeastern states. Most importantly, it can give our children a shared factual foundation for lasting peace, development, and harmonious coexistence. 

Legacy data digitisation first. Legacy-linked revisions second. Full NRC third. Census last. The time has come to quietly initiate the foundational work for a smooth and credible NRC in Manipur. Even if a formal announcement is delayed for political reasons, the digitisation of pre-1961 records, expansion of Foreigners’ Tribunals, and community documentation drives can begin immediately under administrative leadership of CM Khemchand. 

This preparation will ensure that whenever the process moves forward, it becomes a source of clarity and peace rather than chaos.