Donors who wrote big checks to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s political action committees, campaigns and charitable causes have frequently received gubernatorial appointments — with some landing influential state posts just days after the money arrived.

The Post’s review of state campaign finance filings, federal disclosures and behested-payment reports identified numerous instances in which donors, tribal leaders and business executives received appointments shortly before or after they made contributions to Newsom-linked political and charitable organizations.

Mark Arabo, CEO of Refined Management, gave two donations in 2024 each worth tens of thousands, including a $25,000 drop on Feb. 29, 2024, according to the Federal Election Commission’s database. A day later, Newsom appointed Arabo to the State Racetrack Leasing Commission, which oversees racetrack lease agreements and related matters.

Andrew Tavakoli, chief executive of Tavaco Properties, gave $45,000 to Newsom’s Super PAC, Campaign for Democracy Group, in February 2024. Less than two months later, Newsom appointed Tavakoli to the Exposition Park and California Science Center Board of Directors, which oversees one of the state’s premier museum and education complexes. Tavakoli has transacted over $2.3 billion in investments under Tavaco Properties, the holding company for his commercial real estate portfolio nationwide.

Records show Newsom solicited $1.05 million in behested payments from the Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria over a four-month span in 2023 for the California Partners Project, the nonprofit founded by the first partner, Jennifer Siebel Newsom.

Less than three months after the final contribution, on June 29, 2023, Newsom appointed Greg Sarris, chairman of the tribe, to the University of California Board of Regents, one of the most powerful positions in California higher education.

Graton Rancheria has amassed political clout with its gaming interests, and in 2024, Newsom’s office urged federal officials to reject a rival Koi Nation casino project. The following year the state would sue to block the project.

Political experts said the timelines identified by The Post do not necessarily establish wrongdoing, but the payments and donations followed by official actions by the governor raise concerns of undue influence.

Sean McMorris, a government transparency advocate from California Common Cause, noted that a recent $31,500 ethics fine issued to Newsom over late reporting of behested payments has brought the issue back on the map, but the arrangement has been an issue in California for years.

“Everyone will tell you they are legal, but that doesn’t mean they’re not ripe for abuse or that they don’t create a perception of pay-to-play,” McMorris told The Post.

“In my mind, they are a legal loophole that skirts public finance and public-interest rules.”

Newsom spokeswoman Tara Gallegos rejected any suggestion that appointments were influenced by political donations and behested payments.

“The governor only makes decisions based on what is best for Californians, not campaign contributions or special interests,”  Gallegos said.

“Any suggestion otherwise is not only completely false, but absurd.”

Another example was the California Conference of Carpenters-Building Communities Fund, which contributed $666,667 to Newsom’s Campaign for Democracy Group on April 27, 2023. 

Just eight weeks earlier, Newsom appointed Kyle Patterson, a special representative for the Southwest Mountain States Regional Council of Carpenters, to the California Prison Industry Authority Board of Directors, which oversees prison industry and inmate workforce programs.

None of the coveted appointments pay a salary, but they can cover board member’s expenses.

Another major donor, the San Manuel Band of Mission Indians, has given more than $1 million in behested payments to Newsom, as well as a $95,000 contribution to Newsom’s Campaign for Democracy Committee on Aug. 29, 2023.

Three days after that political donation, Newsom appointed Laurena Bolden, a member of the tribe’s governing council, to the California Native American Heritage Commission, which advises the state on tribal cultural and historic preservation issues.

But the overlap extended beyond appointments and charitable fundraising tied to Newsom and his wife. In total, Newsom has solicited more than $340 million in behested payments.

Blue Shield gave $20 million at Newsom’s request in September 2020 to support Project Homekey. Months later, the Newsom administration tapped Blue Shield for a no-bid vaccine distribution contract worth up to $15 million.

Dan Schnur, a professor of political communications at USC and UC Berkeley, said the governor likely abided by all laws in collecting behested payments and then making appointments, “but it’s still the type of conduct that most voters are not going to like.”

He added, “There’s an old saying in politics, ‘The real scandal is what’s legal.’”