The term islands in linguistics refers to phrases from which extracting an element results in ungrammaticality (Ross, 1967). Grammatical subjects are considered islands because extracting a sub-part of a subject results in an ill-formed sentence, despite having a clear intended meaning (e.g., "Which topic did the article about inspire you?"). The generative tradition, which views syntax as autonomous of meaning and function, attributes this ungrammaticality to the abstract movement dependency between the wh-phrase and the subject-internal position with which it is associated for interpretation. However, research on language that emphasizes its communicative function suggests instead that syntactic constraints, including islands, can be explained based on the way different constructions package information. Accordingly, Abeillé et al. (2020) suggest that the islandhood of subjects is specific to the information structure of wh-questions, and propose that subjects are not islands for movement, but for focusing, due to their discourse-backgroundedness. This predicts that other constructions that differ in their information structure from wh-questions, but still involve movement, should not create a subject island effect. We test this prediction in three large-scale acceptability studies, using a super-additive design that singles out subject island violations, in three different constructions: wh-questions, relative clauses, and topicalization. We report evidence for a subject island effect in each construction type, despite only wh-questions introducing what Abeillé et al. (2020) call "a clash in information structure." We argue that this motivates an account of islands in terms of abstract, syntactic representations, independent of the communicative function associated with the constructions.